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The Minister for External Affairs Shri Natwar Singh has said that West Asia is an integral part of India’s extended neighbourhood. Speaking at a seminar on " India’s policy towards West Asia " organized by Indian Association for Central and West Asian Studies (IACWAS) at the Jamia Milia Islamia here today , the Minister said that the challenge today is to further revitalize and rejuvenate our relations with the countries of West Asia, on the basis of the requirements of today and tomorrow. The following is the text of the Minister’s speech :-
"I am glad to be here this evening for more than one reason. The congruence of the subject and the venue, perhaps accidental, is nevertheless meaningful since some of India’s earliest academic contacts in modern times with the western part of Asia emanated from Jamia Millia. I am happy, in the context of the continuation of these academic linkages, to welcome the founding of the Indian Association for Central and West Asian Studies, as a platform for galvanizing public interest in, and study of, these two neighbouring regions of critical relevance to India. I propose, however, given limitations of time, to confine my remarks today to West Asia.
West Asia constitutes an integral part of India’s extended neighbourhood. Organic links between the two regions can be traced back to antiquity, just as developments in West Asia today have a direct impact on the economy and society of India. The fundamentals of India’s contacts with west Asia are both civilizational as well as of significant contemporary relevance.
Trade routes between India and West Asia, influenced in no small measure by monsoon winds, can be traced to the early years of our history - both from the Malabar coast to the mouth of the Red Sea, as well as from the more western port cities to the Persian Gulf and the Arabian peninsula. There is evidence of trade between the cities of Mohenjadaro and Harappa and Mesopotamia nearly 4000 years ago. We can also talk with historical certainty about trade in cotton cloth, spices, perfumed oils, etc. between India and the Middle East from around 200 BC. The Arabs traded more than thousand years ago with South West India for spices to carry back to Europe. They inter-married with the local population and their descendants are the distinct community of the Mopplars in South Western India.
India’s civilizational linkages with West Asia also derive from a spiritual connection that has enriched Indian society and life. Just as India was the birthplace of Hinduism, Buddhism, Sikhism and Jainism, West Asia was the fountainhead of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. The all embracing and accommodating ethos of our society and our benign religious tolerance made it possible for these religions to flourish. These spiritual links form a human bridge between India and West Asia, symbolized by the thousands of Indians who perform the Hajj every year, Indian pilgrims to the holy sites in Nazareth and Bethlehem and the 70,000-strong Jewish community of Indian origin that lives in Israel.
India and West Asia have also had a historical interface in the arts and sciences. The translation of the stories of the Panchatantra is but one example of this exchange of ideas and knowledge that also extended to mathematics, astronomy and medicine. The influence of Persian and Arabic learning in India, and the impact of the architectural styles and aesthetics of West Asia, as well as the Arabic and Persian languages can be seen and felt in contemporary Indian society. The birth of Urdu and its lyrical synthesis of all these languages and Hindi symbolizes the creative overlap between India and West Asia.
While people-to-people contacts continued over the centuries, in the post-colonial period close political relations gave us a common voice in shaping the global agenda. Not surprisingly, India and some West Asian countries were the leading lights of the Non-Aligned Movement. NAM pursued the high principles of equality, rejection of colonialism, independence in decision making and action, and dialogue to resolve differences. It is, therefore, not surprising that over the years it attracted so many adherents constituting a majority of countries.
Let me give a classic definition of non-alignment. It was provided by no less a person than Dr. Richard Von Weizsacker, the immensely respected former President of Germany :
"Nehru was among the first and foremost to look for a non-bloc internationalism. His idea of non-alignment became of global importance. He spoke about peace clubs against Cold War clubs, nuclear clubs ……. Non-alignment was aiming at more than equidistance from blocs ……."
Given our long-standing political, cultural and economic ties, India is vitally interested in peace and prosperity in West Asia. There are over 3.5 million Indians working in the Gulf. They are doing good work. Their remittances are estimated to be $ 6 billion annually and are an important source of foreign exchange. Over 60% of India’s crude oil imports are sourced from the region. West Asia is now the third largest destination for Indian goods, behind the EU and North America. Exports to the region account for nearly 16% of our global exports. The collective framework of the Arab Gulf countries in the form of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has immense strategic significance for India since it constitutes the "immediate" neighbourhood of India, separated from us only by the Arabian Sea.Any major upheaval in the region, such as the Iraqi attack on Kuwait in 1990, or the war in Iraq during 2003, can adversely affect India’s interests.
The GCC offers tremendous potential for cooperation in trade, investment, energy, manpower etc. Information Technology exports to GCC stand at US $ 170 million and are poised for a significant upward growth. From the strategic point of view, India and the GCC share a need for continued political stability and security in the region, and this could involve joint efforts to meet emerging domestic and regional challenges, foremost of which is the common threat of terrorism.
The first annual India-GCC Political Dialogue during the Session of the UNGA on September 26 last year is a land mark development. It constituted a clear political statement by the two sides to engage pro-actively, and with focus on topical issues like Iraq, Middle East, terrorism and UN reforms. The GCC Chairman’s statement that the UN Security Council should be expanded and India should be a member of the Security Council, constituted the first GCC expression and concrete outcome of the political dialogue process. We appreciate this.
The first-ever GCC-India Industrial Conference held in Mumbai in February this year with the participation of Ministers from all the six GCC countries is another important milestone.
We also have an ongoing dialogue mechanism with the Arab League. The 3rd round of bilateral discussions at Cairo in June 2004 focused on regional issues like Palestine. It also discussed the possibility of further enhancing cooperation between India and Arab League Members.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I will now address myself with regard to two countries in West Asia – Palestine and Iraq. I believe it is important to do so. Both the Palestinians and the Iraqi people are enduring inordinate suffering and the international community has a moral duty to demonstrate solidarity with them.
First, Palestine. It is worthwhile to recall that India’s solidarity with the Palestinian people and its attitude to the Palestinian question was given voice during our freedom struggle by Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhiji wrote in an essay on Palestine in 1938 : "My sympathies are all with the Jews…………., but my sympathy does not blind me to the requirements of justice………….. Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French………." In the early years of independent India, this policy towards Palestine was consolidated under that leadership of Prime Minister Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru. India’s empathy with the Palestinian cause and its friendship with the people of Palestine has since then been an integral part of our time-tested foreign policy.
In 1947, India voted against the partition of Palestine at the UN General Assembly. In 1975, India was the first non-Arab state to recognize the PLO as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. In 1980, the Office of the PLO in New Delhi was accorded full diplomatic recognition by the Government. In 1988, India was one of the first countries to recognize the State of Palestine.
Our Government has, since it assumed office, clearly stated that it remains fully supportive of the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and committed to their cause for a homeland of their own. The vicious cycle of violence on both sides and counter-violence, especially since the beginning of the Intifadah al-Aqsa in September 2000 which has led to the death of more than 3,683 Palestinians and 966 Israelis as of mid-Sept. 2004; is a source of grave concern. We believe that the conflict is essentially political in nature and cannot be resolved by force. A just, comprehensive and durable peace in the region can only be achieved through negotiations on the basis of relevant UN Security Council resolutions as well as the "Land for Peace" principle leading to two states, Palestine and Israel, living side by side within secure and recognized borders.
In this context, we have supported the Quartet Road Map. We are of the view that the Prime Minister Sharon’s intention to withdraw from the Gaza Strip and from some settlements in the West Bank should be within the framework of the Quartet Road Map. The withdrawal should not preclude a resolution of final status issues through negotiations between all parties concerned.
We regard President Yasir Arafat as the elected leader of his people and a symbol of their legitimate cause. We have advised our Israeli friends about our belief that the isolation and confinement of President Arafat in his Ramallah headquarters would engender popular frustration and encourage extremists on the Palestinian side.
A few words about Israel. Since 1992, when diplomatic relations were established, the bilateral relationship has progressed rapidly and now covers a broad spectrum. Our relations with Israel have developed on the basis of mutually beneficial cooperation and are important. This, however, in no way dilutes our principled support for the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. India’s relations with Israel are purely bilateral in nature and are not directed against any third country. We take special care to ensure that our relations with Israel do not have a negative impact on relations with Arab countries. We are clear that we will continue to join all efforts of the international community to redress the historical injustices which have been imposed on the Palestinian people.
It may be recalled that India established diplomatic relations with Israel following the Madrid Conference of October 1991 and after a number of other countries from the Non Aligned Movement had done so. Our decision to establish diplomatic relations with Israel was taken in consultation with the Palestinian leadership. It was then the expectation that relations between Israel and Palestine would be normalized after the Madrid Conference. Unfortunately, this normalization did not take place as a result of the assassination of Israeli PM Yitzak Rabin and other negative developments.
On Iraq, I will only address myself to contemporary issues. Our policy towards developments in Iraq is based on principles and our national interest. We want the Iraqi people to freely determine their political future and exercise control over their natural resources. It is our belief that the UN has a crucial role to play in the process of political and economic reconstruction of Iraq. It is in this spirit, that we welcomed the unanimous adoption by the Security Council, on 8th June 2004, of Resolution 1546. We see UN endorsement of the Interim Government of Iraq as the first step towards the transparent transfer of full sovereignty to the people of Iraq. The priority now should be to ensure an early return to conditions of security and normalcy for all the people of Iraq. A stable and peaceful Iraq is vital for the larger stability of the region, which is home for about 3.5 million Indians, the source of our energy requirements and an important destination for our goods and services.
India will not send Indian troops to Iraq. The question does not arise in the light of the unanimous resolution passed by the two Houses of Parliament on 8th April 2003.
We are ready to respond to the needs of the Iraqi people for stability, security, political progress and economic reconstruction. I had written to the Iraqi Foreign Minister in June this year reiterating our commitment to assist Iraq in their political and economic reconstruction. Various steps to contribute to the needs of the Iraqi people have already been initiated. We have committed US $20 million in assistance to the Iraqi people in response to the UN Secretary General’s flash appeal last year. At the Donors’ Conference held in Madrid in October last, we committed an additional amount of US$10 million to the two Iraqi Trust Funds. We are also distributing milk powder worth US $ 1.2 million to Iraqi children through the World Food Programme. We will also participate in the Tokyo Conference of Donor Countries scheduled to be held later this month.
Distinguished Friends,
May I in conclusion, say that the challenge today is to further revitalize and rejuvenate our relations with the countries of West Asia, on the basis of the requirements of today and tomorrow. We, and our West Asian friends, have to think together how this can be done. We have a shared interest in peace, in stability, in regional security, in mutual prosperity, in the enhancement of a mutually beneficial economic relations, in the imperatives of development, in the regeneration of the ties of culture that bind us, in the reform of the U.N. Security Council, in the creation of a world of tomorrow based on justice and equity. This is a comprehensive agenda, which needs to be addressed.
The existing state of academic interest in West Asia does less than full justice to the depth and diversity of India’s relationship with that region. Your Association, therefore, has an important task before it: to renew the quest for knowledge of these lands that mean so much to us in material, cultural, and intellectual terms. Our knowledge base for West Asia, as for Central Asia, needs to be commensurate with the interests of India, and the potential of India in the coming decades. Such a base has to be systematically developed. I am happy with the initiative, which has been taken, and wish the Association success in its endeavours."
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